(About 12 pages long)
A straw poll at CBC (http://www.cbc.ca/news/yourcommunity/2011/06/page-protest-was-it-appropriate.html ) first showed that more than 66% (on Monday... dropped to 63.66% by Wednesday) of the nonscientific survey supported a Canadian “Parliamentary” Page (Okay, yes, she really worked for “the Senators”) named Brigitte DePape. Courageous DePape held up a handmade stop sign during the official Parliamentary opening throne speech. It read “Stop Harper”. She was hustled backstage to this staged affair, called “democracy” by some, and summarily fired.
That was a Friday, June 3. What Canadians might want to remember, and to really start to worry about, are the subsequent images that appeared on Monday, June 6. That was the day that Canada’s smug Finance Minister, Jim Flaherty, appeared in front of Canadian cameras, again. He smugly, to the wild applause of his party, noted that he was presenting, word for word, the same budget that was the supposed reason for the 2011 federal election. He smugly noted that it was being presented by a party that now had a “Parliamentary majority”.
What should scare the hell out of Canadians is not just that these “majority” rules were designed by partisan parties, to allow who would or would not “rule” us all for the next four years. Yes, Canadians should be angered that our Parliament is not what our constitution and our international laws compel it to be for all of us. That is to say, Parliament was never legally intended to be structured so that any political party, gaining not even 25% of the eligible votes, could then say that “the election process” was a mandate for them to then do whatever they want to.
What should scare the hell out of us more is that DePape was arbitrarily fired by friends or servile servants of those men and women whose images on our televisions three days later should have caused us to throw up.
Why?
Jim Flaherty, the good Conservative, is an elected lawyer from Ontario. Flaherty competed for the job of Premier, vacated by good old Conservative named Mike Harris. He competed against the likes of Tony Clement. He did so in 2002 when Julian Fantino, then a good member of Ontario’s Association of Chiefs of Police, was only contemplating becoming the big shot Commissioner of Canada’s largest provincial police force, the Ontario Provincial Police.
On June 6, 2011, Bev Oda, a reelected Conservative promoted back to cabinet, was panned over as Flaherty puffed up his self importance. Oda, before the election, was on the hot seat over altering a document. Any common citizen would have been thrown into jail for this fraudulent behaviour. BUT, since the good Conservatives have gained a “majority” under the rules designed for hopeful partisans of the likes of even Jack Layton (remember his “the next Prime Minister of Canada!” promotions as election 2011 began?), the law becomes irrelevant. The good Conservatives become the law. After all, Julian Fantino, the ex-cop, is also a grand poobah in this newest “majority” government.
And my personal experiences, yes, made me into a reader of laws which few other citizens of Canada would want or need to read. Those experiences should lead every responsible citizen of Canada to ask Page DePape why her stop sign did not read “... Stop all of these Arrogant Idiots in our Parliament and Senate ...”. Just maybe her skirt was not big enough?
What becomes irresponsible is how the mainstream media treats these events. And, yes, I dare to chastise the likes of CBC’s Jian Ghomeshi. Jian made DePape the lead-in commentary for his June 6 show (http://www.cbc.ca/video/news/audioplayer.html?clipid=1972629048). Eloquent commentary, Jian, I would say, but the main media’s problem becomes this.
Many chastised DePape. Jian praised “audacious” her, saying in sections of his 3:59 minute June 6 essay, “... there are no short cuts to real power ... historical change has come from citizens who have taken a stand ... democracy is not just about marking an X every 4 years ...”. What Jian, and every other Canadian might want to remember, is that, yes, DePape’s dream of an Arabian style revolution is an undesirable short cut. The risks and ramifications exist. The examples are rampant in our human history. They exist even as living history in our mid-Eastern nations continues today. Few of us want to see martyrs of revolutions carried away in body bags.
This violence happened, and happens, why? Because the relevance of that ‘X’ that Jian referenced is undermined by hypocrisy. Much of the hypocrisy comes, unfortunately, from our mainstream media.
The hypocrisy in our media and from our privileged in our society is this. Jian and others received a book, my book, called Just Business, some, months ago. The thick book was accompanied by documents relating how I tried to deliver three copies to people on our Parliament Hill in February of this year. However, evidently even Jian Ghomeshi has no time to read a book that outlines why DePape should not have to be brave. Few ask why it is irresponsible for us to laud her because the self education does not lead to “journalists” thinking about this.
The illegal equations, which led to DePape’s brave but needless demonstration, are revealed in my story. Yes, my book is a tome that is undergoing vigorous editing. But, something that you might want to think about, is that my book reveals why the panned face of criminally acting Flaherty and Harper should have already been tossed out of Parliament IF our laws had been reexamined and challenged by “the media” reading this book.
It essentially comes down to how the criminal violations into our courts by partisans have made our institutions theirs and irrelevant to the legal promises of democracy.
Early sections of my book outline how my parents refused, during an election of the 1960’s, to reveal whom they had voted for. A politically interested teen, I was told that the vote is a sacred thing. The citizen has every right to hold how they voted close to their chest. So, I was surprised when my elderly parents told me that they had voted Conservative in the 2011 election. This, they said, was because they had been served so efficiently on old age security payments by their local Conservative MP. I wrote a letter chastising my 84-year-old mother and 94-years old father.
Had they not read my book telling the story of what Conservatives had done to their son? I was offended because, you see, on the same trip that I had made to Ottawa in February to deliver my book to politicians, I had finally delivered one copy of my book to my parents. I asked how they could have voted for a party that had been instrumental in events leading to my politicized arrest in 2004.
I just received a letter from my father this week. He writes, still eloquently at the age of 94, years after he put on a Canadian Army training uniform in 1942. He echoes the sentiments of two others who say that they have actually read the book. He would not have voted for any of these scoundrels, if he had fully informed himself before he voted.
But, the Canadian media, many who had been offered the opportunity to read this book before the federal “election” of 2011, failed us again. Our “X” became subject to 35 days of carefully staged propaganda. Even the simplest issue of PM Harper breaching our Criminal Code, by using tax dollars to entice people like David Emerson across the floor in 2006, is never hotly debated. This is because, by god, even the Green Party’s Elizabeth May, along with the hack Jack Layton, hope to “gain power”. They will follow the “35 days of bashing” rules so that they can, one day, do as the Liberals and Conservatives have illegally done since 1948. After all, as Jian says, there are “no short cuts to real power”. Hell, we should simply let the world go to hell in a bread basket. Or follow the lead of Arabs seeking “democracy” to riot to make “the short cuts to power” real?
Perhaps it is time to recognize that “democracy”, and all of its legally compelled acts and institutions, were designed to stop the need for rioting and blood shed. The rights of the citizens were to the power of real, daily democracy. The law was not to make our institutions instruments for the empowerment of the arrogant partisans, despite our history.
We citizens are failed by institutions, like our free press, that do not do in-depth analysis. Instead, even “ethical” Jian Ghomeshi will turn away a first edition book, that, yes, is in the depths of harsh reediting for public consumption. Holding up a “stop sign” is short term eloquence that ignores why the images of criminals like Flaherty are viewed as the only option in 2011. It is the panning of Oda and then a smug PM, a criminal who abused our taxes in 2006 and since, that should give us cause for pause. But, we should be stopped in our tracks as criminal, promoted cop friend, Julian Fantino’s face comes into view. That is, if we dare to whisper “shades of Nazi Germany!”
Partisans? By god, the citizen who does not vote is irresponsible! So, sensing that this is so wrong, the citizens enter polls wondering which Criminal they should vote for.
I dare to say this, why?
Read my tome. Struggle through it at JustBusinessTheBook.com. But start to think about the Flaherty, Oda, Harper and Fantino equation and why I dare to say that these people have become modern versions of Nazism that should scare the hell out of common citizens. However, we should also recognize that this criminal behaviour has spread across all partisans in our Parliaments. This happens simply because they think that, just maybe, one day, they will be empowered.
I do dare to ask all reading this why I have not been soundly denounced into a court where all of these partisans pursue me for malignment of character. After all, I dare to insinuate that even the smallest partisan politicians, the Elizabeth Mays and Jack Laytons, become criminals as they engage in the same activities simply for the sake of gaining position and “power”. I have not been dragged into a court because these partisans know this.
I would counter sue them as I have warned since 2004. I would compel a trial on this before a jury of 12 common citizens. I once made a record of what happened with PM Harper’s Conservatives when an Ottawa lawyer started a law suit. It was rapidly settled out of court to the favour of that old Progressive Conservative lawyer when the new Conservatives in Ottawa were told that they would have to face a trial by jury, not the dithering and blathering by a partisan-tainted singular judge. I know, because I have read too many laws, that these partisans, all of them in Ottawa, when dragged before 12 of my peers would then be forced to admit that they have indeed violated our Criminal Code and should be thrown out of Parliament.
So, yes, my story is a record of why DePape should have worn that Princess’ wedding gown that we suffered watching short weeks before her brave protest. That dress should have included a train under a stop sign pasted at the top of that train. Instead of singling out Harper, Depape should have listed the (308) names of all Parliamentarians who participated in the illegal election of 2011. It should have included the partisan-appointed members of our Senate. And, yes, those "Supremest of Judges" that were dressed in ermine behind DePape's back.
The safe and legal reasons I dare to say this come from my personal experiences with the corruption of our courts that has protected the criminalization of our institutions of governance and justice. So, suffer a summary.
1982. I am barely a year inside my job as a government “professional forester”. As a “professional forester”, I am required not to lie about wood supply from our forests. Ontario’s Minister of Natural Resources is Conservative. His bureaucrats want me to lie on official papers needed for a big Conservative friendly business man to cut wood in the Nipigon area. I refuse. They persist. I refuse on professional grounds and go to my local elected representative, who is not Conservative.
A furor arises. I am fired for taking my case to my elected rep. I enter a legal battle. Roy McMurtry is Ontario’s Conservative Attorney General. I win my arbitration case. The public, generally, is on my side. McMurtry and Conservative Premier, Bill Davis, announce that they are appealing my case to the courts. They hide that they are enabled to do this ONLY because a Conservative appointee to my hearing tribunal is Conservative-party affiliated. Because one dissented on the panel of three “judges”, I am hung out to wait for another year before a court rules that the other two on the panel, whom I later discover are Liberal and NDP-affiliated “judges”, are the “right” ones.
I return to work, briefly, under the direction of a Minister of Natural Resources named Mike Harris. Harris sits on the same Conservative cabinet as Roy McMurtry before the Conservatives are booted out by the Liberals. I work 15 years under three different political parties. What I experience leads me to the sad conclusion that our “democracy” has collapsed to a state where partisans become our temporary rulers. They seize elected positions to do as they want, not to lead as we want them to. In 1996, I do not realize that this is also how our founding laws compel them to act: to lead, not rule.
Mike Harris returns in 1996, as Ontario’s Conservative Premier. I cannot stomach this hypocrisy. I leave the government’s service for private business.
I have been politically interested all of my life. During the federal election of 1997, I am approached by a fledgling political party to run. I explore the rules for getting on a ballot. I have not read our constitution. However, I sense that something is deeply perverted in our electoral system as I discover “the new rules” set down by the big political parties. Read the book. Or, visit http://TakeBackDemocracy.ca at the Stop the Fraud button to understand why and how conditions of social status, partisan-implicated control of “candidate application” approvals and a complete failure to protect the legal condition of equality to freed speech violate our original laws.
I am asked in the same year to run for the local town council. I am elected, garnering the highest number of votes in that town’s election. I serve my full term from 1997 to 2000.
2001. The book makes a record of my involvement in a stone related business. It makes a record of the gross incompetence of bureaucrats and politicians when it comes to treating business people as equals, as I eventually learn the law compels. Ready to finally break into a multimillion dollar opportunity in 2001, the collapse of the towers in New York puts my small business on the brink of bankruptcy. All economy shuts down for six weeks at a critical time of business for me.
However, by December of 2001, I have a letter of intent from an American. He is willing to invest $40,000 Canadian into my company in exchange for an exclusive distributorship into the USA. He is willing to commit to a minimum in $36 million in sales over 6 years. As long as I get the required government permits.
My business is like farming. I can only operate when there is no snow covering the ground. I have six critical months in each year to get my natural stone product into the marketplace.
I have worked inside government. These permits normally take two weeks to process. The politics, of big union partisans (the NDP-affiliated Public Service union of Ontario) versus big corporation partisans (Conservatives), begins. A Public service strike begins as the Conservatives begin a leadership convention to replace Mike Harris. Harris, the newspapers report, is being wooed by the old Reform Party of Canada. They are looking to create an alliance with federal Conservatives. Some want Harris to lead them. He wants out of politics. Eventually, the newspapers report, he is hired by a big law firm as “a consultant”.
The Ontario Conservatives? When teachers strike, the Conservatives gain a reputation for recalling Provincial Parliament. They legislate the teachers back to work in days. In the public service strike of 2002? It begins in mid March and does not end until mid May.
There is a grand scramble leading up to the shut down of government offices, needed for my permits. I am told that my applications have been set aside in favour of applications for big corporations. This happens a month after we first make written application to the local managers.
I am on the verge of losing my contract into the USA. I phone and write to my local elected representative, Liberal Michael Gravelle. He insists that he can do nothing for me. The Conservatives are refusing to recall the legislature to deal with this critical strike. I have not donated to the Liberals or the Conservatives or any political party. Evidently, therefore, I am worthless. Guys like Conservatives Flaherty and Clement do not care. They are in power, after all.
I become concerned when the Conservative “parliamentary” office, in charge of all things during the “leadership convention” and strike, tells me that they will breach other legislation. They will simply send me permits. I refuse this counsel. I know that this is illegal. Government staff is supposed to make certain that my permits meet all other legislation beyond extracting stone. This counsel comes from the staff in another office of another elected lawyer named David Tsubouchi. It comes after Ontario has dealt with the deaths in Walkerton because environmental legislation was ignored. I am an honest business man. I warn Tsubouchi’s office that all laws must be respected. I register my concerns again and again.
Eventually, Ernie Eves has been elected as the Conservative Premier. But, instead of calling Parliament back, under the auspices of Harris, the Conservatives continue with their arrogance. They hold a by-election so that Eves, who resigned his finance minister position to go work as a lawyer for a big bank on Toronto’s Bay Street, can actually get back into the legislative buildings. A token election is held. Another month passes. My clients and my main client’s commitments begin to disappear or to be vastly reduced for 2002. After all, business is about the ability to deliver at critical times of the year. I have been vocal in making it clear to bureaucrats and politicians that spring is a critical marketing time for my company.
The strike ends May 10. It takes days to get bureaucrats back to work.
The book summarizes the games that began even as I discovered that a competitor had violated environmental legislation. In this aspect, I did not get all of the permits that I needed until a year after I had applied. And, after my application had been set aside in favour of big corporations.
So, in December 2002, I warned that I was going to sue the Conservative Party of Ontario. I warned big corporations, whom I owed money to, that they had better wait for this suit to finish or I would add their names to the law suit. This was because I had discovered that many of these big corporations were starting to pester me for money which I no longer had. Meanwhile, they had donated more wads of money to the Conservatives in the 2002 leadership convention than I had ever owed them.
I began to seek legal assistance. I knew that our big politicians always bragged that we are all equals. I was astonished when I phoned the Legal Aid office in Thunder Bay. When I revealed that I was a self-employed person seeking assistance to file a civil lawsuit, the response was that I need not apply. The clerk at the Legal Aid office bluntly said that the Conservatives had changed the rules to exclude the self-employed. I knew, without reading the law, that this was illegal discrimination. The same lady said that if I became a criminal or violated Family law, I would qualify for assistance.
Ironically, the Thunder Bay paper carried a November article. Elected lawyer Eves and his cohorts bragged that the recognized disparity in access to legal institutions would be resolved by adopting a “pro bono” program in Ontario’s courts. I researched this. I applied through the Ontario Law Society, as required at that time. I received a rejection notice. I did not fit the narrow criteria that the lawyers had established for the “trial development” of this “program”. I knew that this was more illegal discrimination, despite not having yet read our constitution or other laws.
I began to read Canadian laws. I also began to petition law firms for assistance via the internet. My summary application noted that I was concentrating on suing the Conservative Party. This was because the citizens had not forced me to lose this 2002 income. It was the discriminating Conservatives who had violated our constitution and my rights.
I became concerned when I began to receive snotty rejection notices. When I would go to the hard listings that I had received for that 2002 Conservative leadership convention, these law firms had donated to the Conservatives.
I received one from a lawyer saying that she felt that I had a case but suggesting that I should be suing the government, not political parties. She insisted that my tactic was not allowed “because of precedent”. But, she said, she could not help me. I searched Elections Canada donation records. This law firm donated to the Liberals.
I knew that partisan implications were building. The insinuation was becoming that big partisans had come together to agree that what was good for one partisan group was good for the other. The rights of the citizens be damned.
The final straw came when a lawyer from one law firm said that he believed that I had a case. Unfortunately, his law firm could do nothing for me because they did work with the public service union. That union was also implicated in my pending suit. This was one rare law firm that I found donating to the New Democrats.
And, so, yes, I became a “law” “err!!”
I started off in January 2003. I faxed warnings to every business or individual whom I owed even a cent to by that month. There were approximately 26 at that stage. Most small guys and gals agreed with me and stepped aside. By the official launch of my court application, suing to recover the $2 million in lost revenues, after initially offering much lower out of court settlements, I faced only 8 large corporations. These were big donors to the 2002 Conservative convention. They insisted that they had no obligations to me, and were only exercising their “political rights”. By then I had read constitutional and criminal law.
By May 2003, I was into court rooms. I knew that our courts were corrupted because of two things. First, I had read the Criminal Code. I knew that it was illegal for a party named on a court document to harass the opposing party. I was getting up to 25 phone calls a day from collection agencies acting on behalf of these big corporations. When I looked up donation records for these collection corporations or their “legal advisors”, their names were on political party listings. 99% of these lawyers or law firms gave to either Liberals or Conservatives.
I warned that these were political parties who had redirected taxes and then claimed that there was not enough money for the citizens to have equal and impartial access into Canada’s courts, all courts. By May 2003, Ernie Eves and his cohorts, including Mr. Flaherty and Mr. Clement, named on my initial documents, had sent a “constitutional expert” to oppose me. This was a big shot lawyer from Ontario’s Attorney General’s branch. This was the same branch that had declared that I, the simple citizen, need not even apply for legal assistance.
Our taxes could be redirected to protect lawyers elected as Premiers or cabinet ministers. Lawyers stayed conveniently silent as they got paid from our taxes for this. Meanwhile, I was denied assistance of any kind. I began to warn that even the lawyers were violating the Criminal Code sections forbidding the exertion of influence to their gain while the citizen’s rights declined. I dared to insinuate that this was Criminal conduct that was no better than what had happened in Nazi Germany.
On May 8, 2003, I was walked out of a crowded, public court room. I then stood before a judge who did not even know which “party”, myself or my opposing lawyers (whom I eventually found on Liberal donation records), should “go first”. I protested loudly to the press and others after this farce. I had been moved out of an open court room into one occupied only by cops and lawyers. Contemplate that when you eventually come to the name “Bill Graham” in this summary.
By July 2003, I had a “you have no case!” response from a judge. A Liberal-implicated lawyer hinted that I look into Judge Helen Pierce’s background. I did. She was appointed by the Conservatives barely a year previous. She had donated to the Reform Party of Canada in the era that this party was trying to recruit Mike Harris for the “alliance” conservatives’ leadership. She “judged” over an issue which bore the names of Mike Harris, the Conservative Party of Ontario and other “good” Conservative names, including Flaherty and Clement.
I was furious. But, I was not as furious as I was at Revenue Canada. Warned that I was also dragging them into court, this federal agency was particularly aggressive in trying to drag money out of me. I warned that I needed every dime I had to try to advance my legal arguments. I warned that they could not take “taxes owed”, that were also being hotly contested by me into federal courts, as I was denied assistance to advance my cases into courts on my own.
I am not going to make a record of all of the things that my book does. I will make a short record of this.
Angered by all of this, I wrote a snotty letter to Canada’s Prime Minister. I copied it to other politicians. I made a long record of what I was experiencing in Canada’s so-called “justice system”. I quoted sections of the Criminal Code. I used that “fucking” word and told Paul Martin and others to get their “fucking heads out of the clouds”. I also warned that they had created, allowed, a system of “justice”, ultimately the responsibility of the feds, that breached our laws. I pointed out that I was being harassed and intimidated at the same time that I was being told that I had no rights to justice UNLESS I became a criminal or abused my wife. So, as I wound this October 29, 2003 letter down, I asked how a citizen was to get justice in my nation. I wrote, asking “... must I barricade myself in my house and shoot the first peace officer who comes along just to get justice? ...”.
Now, note this. This letter went to elected Conservative leader of the day, Peter MacKay. This was in the era that he was starting to drag the Conservatives into that unholy alliance with Harper’s gang. Mackay, an elected lawyer, responded immediately to my letter. He supported my concerns. He corresponded again on January 8, 2004. He supported my less harshly worded, but still very critical, follow-up letter to the Liberals. Eventually, these letters went to two other lawyers (one implicated in a law firm that donated to the Liberals and who refused to reveal his own partisan affiliations to me, after my arrest). Both lawyers said, by May 2004, that there had been no reason to arrest me. However, also remember this.
That Liberal-implicated lawyer read a letter from me sent to his good Liberal friend Paul Martin. He said that the arrest was illegal. BUT, when I suggested that he should be able to simply get the charges dropped, he informed me that our law does not work that way. He wanted $2000 down before he would even “lift a pen to help”.
So, why was a Page named DePape so rapidly fired, while even Jack Layton condemned her? Start to think about partisans controlling our institutions of freed speech. And, more ominously, “justice”. DePape was not given any hearing. After all, if Jack Layton would also condemn her, she warrants condemnation and immediate firing?
I was not arrested for that October 29 letter until February 24, 2004, nearly three months after Peter MacKay said that the letter had merit. In time, I extracted a confession that the order to seek my arrest had come from Revenue Canada’s head offices.
Before my arrest, I received a disturbing call from the federal minister’s office for Revenue Canada. On February 6, 2004, a Lois Willett, saying that she was a “communications expert” with that Minister’s office, told me that she had “talked to lawyers in government and cabinet”. I politely argued about my constitutional rights to retain whatever money I needed to get through the courts. When I asked this lady if she had ever read our constitution, this lady first said “no” and then said this to me. She said that she had been told, “by lawyers in government and cabinet”, that she had to worry about nothing beyond the tax laws that her department oversaw. I was astounded. I registered my concerns, politely, in yet another letter.
This was also at the time that the Gomery commission was starting to crank up. It was supposedly intended to expose the “scandalous” abuse of tax dollars, mostly in Quebec. I wrote another letter on February 12, 2004. This one was politely serious.
I noted that Canada’s auditor general was gaining much grand admiration in the press while the background noise was never discussed. I noted that this “profession”, her accounting one, had a bad reputation of sending big bucks to only the business friendly Liberals or Conservatives. I noted that she had been on the Liberals’ donor listings in the year that she was appointed. I noted that her “profession’s” supposed “controlling bodies” had an ethical dilemma. They were sending cash to political parties when they were supposed to be protecting taxpayers from the abuses of even politicians.
So, I dared to challenge that this Liberal appointee’s sudden elevation carried harsh implications. She vigorously appeared with this issue in an era when business friendly Liberal Paul Martin was looking to oust old stodgy Liberal named Jean Chretien. She was an accountant from Quebec whose profile suggested that she was once the head of the ethics committee for accountants in that province. She came from a big accounting firm that was a big sponsor of big political parties. Meanwhile, I noted, she had worked in Quebec in the era when the sponsorship scandal raged. I wondered, in writing, why only bureaucrats were being targeted when the Chief Auditor for Canada belonged to a “profession” that had allowed millions to disappear. I noted that my own accountant made me account for cents. I asked how the “disappearance of millions” could have happened in the grand auditor’s home province for 7 years.
I was arrested on February 24, 2004 for my October 29 letter. A police man in the interrogating room told me that “we cannot write what we want after 9/11!”
And so, I entered another legal battle, into yet another court, this time a Criminal one. In July of 2004, I watched lawyer Bill Graham, then Minister of Foreign Affairs, screaming in the press. Iran had barred attendance in their courts in the case of a murdered female Canadian Iranian photographer. Graham cited international law. I had been marched in May 2003 from a crowded, public court room into one occupied only by lawyers and cops. I subpoenaed him and Michael Gravelle. Their lawyers committed perjury to avoid their clients appearing as witnesses in my criminal trial. I won my Criminal case on my own while building up more and more records that 99% of lawyers and judges are either Conservative or Liberal affiliated.
Fast forward. I got back to fighting for my civil case in Ontario’s courts. In November 2004, that old Conservative toddled back into my case. Roy McMurtry, the highest “judge” in Ontario in 2004, appeared to review my papers. My court documents had the name of his old Conservative Party and Conservative friends, Mike Harris included, on them. This farcical, partisan-implicated conduct continued all of the way up and into the Supreme Court of Canada.
So, by December 2005, I knew that Statistics Canada registers that 94% of Canadians do not belong to any political party, or donate to one. I made a record of the record of our courts filled with lawyers, of whom 99% were donors to the political parties that promoted them, or had a hand in ensuring their appointments. I made a record of the fact that my February 2004 arrest was guided by a “Crown Counsel” who confessed in Canada’s courts that he was a regular donor to the NDP. Do not forget that my complaining letters this man used to justify my arrest referenced the role of the NDP-supporting public service in my dilemma stemming out of the public service strike of 2002.
And, so, knowing that our justice system is completely corrupted, I tried to get into the 2006 election campaign as an independent. The book records the subsequent illegalities that these big partisans have come together to create. They do so on their principle that they are all of the political parties that Canada needs.
So, go back to 2006. Go back to Harper taking our taxes to lure Liberal Emerson across our Parliamentary floors without a vote.
You see, to February 2004, I had only written to courts and politicians about stuff like this that violated our Criminal Code (visit my “About the Law” button at my http://TakeBackDemocracy.ca web page to understand the depth of this problem and the sections that are repeatedly broken). Starting in March 2004, I applied to the Ontario Provincial Police (OPP) to have Criminal Code charges laid against, yes, even Paul Martin, PM. The OPP expressed confused support for my concerns but begged that Ottawa was a RCMP jurisdiction. Then the back and forth between the OPP and RCMP began.
I was puzzled as my complaints bounced about, about the obvious criminal abuse of privilege with PM Harper and his gang’s activities in 2006. I puzzled only until February 2007. In that month, I was shocked. I stumbled across not just more data for unionized court clerks. They were redirecting taxes through union back doors into the pockets of the partisans. The unions targeted who would support their members getting bigger salary hikes, as the taxpayers’ rights to “justice” continued to disappear. However, the biggest shocker was finding that the cops were doing the same thing.
They were sending money to only the Liberals and the Conservatives because only these two parties said “Let’s get tough on crime with more cops!” Meanwhile, the breaching of the Criminal Code in our parliamentary offices accelerated.
I protested to the RCMP. Julian Fantino, once a big shot in Toronto’s police and then the Chief of Police in London, Ontario, had participated in redirecting money from the Ontario Chiefs of Police Association into the pockets of mostly Conservatives and sometimes Liberals. Even in that leadership convention of 2002, cops had donated to lawyer Ernie Eves’ political campaigns.
By July 2007, when the federal Conservatives appointed Brian Mulroney’s ex bud, Bill Elliott, the good lawyer, to head up our RCMP, I knew that my nation was in deep trouble.
So, I threw all of my energies into writing this book while fending off the continuing harassment. It came, repeatedly, from partisan-implicated lawyers acting for “collection agencies” with a history of donating to these partisans. I continued to warn the local police to exercise their duty under the law to protect the citizen from politicians and others abusing their positions. Illegally. I quoted and re-quoted the laws from 1948, 1982 and the relevant sections of the Criminal Code. Still, the harassment continued.
Then, with the book nearing completion, so I thought, I began this tactic. These collection agencies were ordering me to phone their toll-free numbers for amounts barely exceeding $1,000. I had a toll free number when I had my own business. I knew how much these “toll free” systems can cost a business. So, I cranked up my stereo. I was 60 lbs. overweight at the time. But, I would dial the toll-free number and fill these bastards answering machines with ACDC’s “I’ve got Big Balls”, or other protest songs, including one where a popular band tells the crowd to go home by singing “Bugger Off!” as the crowd shouts back “Fuck You”. I learned that these large corporations have lots of extension numbers.
I flipped my three portable phones as I danced naked on the way to the shower or into my kitchen to do my daily chores. I filled the ears or the answering machines of the “agents” with the profanities sung by others or simply loud protest music that I liked.
The day that I knew that Canada has slipped into the infamy of Nazis is recorded in my book. June 24, I believe, 2009. An Ontario cop shows up on my doorstep. He is accompanied by another cop. He threatens to arrest me again, if I do not stop my calls to this London, Ontario based “collection’s agency” (the town from whence “Chief” Fantino ruled as London cops redirected taxed salaries from their pockets into the pockets of politicians). This is “public mischief”, he insists. I hand him my prepared statement. I am ready to warn persons like him that his own policing force has violated the Criminal Code.
Besides, I tell him, snidely, in the lawyer’s language that I have learned. These arrogant bastards have virtually ordered me to phone their toll-free number. They have not specified how many calls I am allowed. I do not give a damn if it is anywhere near the 1,000 he claims that I made. He obviously does not care that I have warned, again and again, of my intent to drag these buggers into courts, even if it takes 30 years as it did for “those Jews”.
However, the blatant arrogance existing in this land comes in the words that come from this modern Nazi’s mouth after I warn him, sternly. I warn that his policing association has criminally redirected tax dollars to partisans while the same partisans deny me access to completely impartial justice. I warn that he has aligned himself with lawyers who are criminally promoted by partisans to become “judges”. I warn that he must go back to his supervisor and talk carefully about all of this. I warn that, IF he returns to my doorstep with this stupidity, I will exercise a citizen’s arrest on him for abuse of privilege, exercising influence and breach of our constitution and other Acts of Parliament.
The man asks if I dare to defy “the Queen and Julian Fantino”. My response to this arrogant young snot is a question. The man has to admit that “the Queen and Fantino” are both obliged to protect and respect the law. But, my blood runs cold when this young Nazi says this to me after I reiterate that the partisan implications, that he carries with his tainted gun, puts him on tenuous ground. The young snot responds to my comments about the blatant partisan connections with these words: “Too bad! That is the way it is in Canada and if you do not like it, you can just leave!” I see that the only hope in my nation is the astonishment that appears on his cohort’s face when these words are uttered.
My phone did not fall completely silent from the illegal harassment until November of 2009. It was silenced forever thereafter from these partisan-implicated collection agencies because of this. Yes, I returned to filling answering machines and ears with my loud music in that month. BUT, I also wrote to the local police and made note of this.
The RCMP was being criticized by big shot lawyers for allowing their own to be scrutinized by their own. On a CBC radio program (read the book), I pointed out that a big shot, partisan-implicated lawyer said that cops who played baseball together should not be investigating when their friends were facing charges of abuse from citizens.
The phone harassment stopped. I had asked the cops why the more illegal abuse of our Criminal Code, forbidding “registered” friends from exerting influence into any government institution or our “justice” system, would be allowed to continue.
So, I hastily finished the book, because I know politicized lawyers. I wanted a tome to throw at them when they popped up with abuse of our institutions of “justice”. No, my book is not a simple red “stop” sign that DePape can use in her brave but gullible “protest”.
But, I have this question for our grander members of our media, like Jian Ghomeshi.
I wrote a tome and placed it or offered to place it on the desks of credible reporters or those who claim to be concerned (yes, you, Jian). It outlines why all of this should have stopped in November 2002, the moment that I began to protest that our courts were being corrupted by illegal discrimination.
The question is, why should it take an Arabian revolution, as Ms. DePape seems so keen on?
On May 31, four days before Ms. DePape planted her braid in front of cameras, cops were back in my yard again. This time, in response to my suggestion that the local detachment commander was obliged to educate himself to the full story in my book, his response was that he had no such duty. And that should scare the hell out of our citizenry. In any nation.
Nazi Germany. Obey the command from the partisans. Deny the role of partisan-appointed “lawyers” and “judges” in the decline of the rights of citizens.
Sorry. Nuremberg trials showed that, indeed, the cop who failed to educate themselves to why what they were doing was wrong, could be indicted and convicted.
The question is why the privileged in high positions in our media stay silent to the full story that reveals why immature DePape had every right to demonstrate. When our electoral systems and institutions of “justice” become the instruments of any partisan group, or collective of partisans, then, yes, our media have a moral obligation to educate themselves and the public to why they should be concerned.
BUT, will our media, and those in privileged positions, start to read why this needs to be stopped now? Or will they simply play up the image of a young adult holding a stop sign, because that is what makes the best “media play”?
That is not the role of our media in a real democracy.
What we need are credible courts protecting principled and credible elected institutions where ideas are brought forward to deal with daily issues. That was the legal promise made by 1948, reaffirmed in 1982 and set down in rules that protected all of this in our Criminal Code. But what DePape failed to understand is that a criminal gaining power over an institution makes the institution criminal until the criminal is removed.
That needs not happen through violence. It should happen through an educated public demanding that the original laws are enforced against all of the miscreants.
It is all too easy to hold up a stop sign. It is time, yes, to read a tome to understand why these people are all criminals who sit in Canada’s Parliamentary and Senate halls. And our courts.
But, who among our media will work to educate the public to all of this?
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